By Andrew Taylor and Harpreet Kaur Paul
In the US and the UK, the Green New Deal movement has galvanised hope for transitioning to the more equitable zero carbon world we so desperately need; to address poverty and keep global average temperatures to below 1.5°C. But there has also been criticism of an apparent initial focus on jobs in "every town and city across the UK", rather than on transformational justice globally. The challenge for Green New Deal advocates is to recognise the historical roots of the climate crisis and avoid being the PR face of ongoing climate colonialism.
In a challenge to the current inadequate emissions reduction targets (80% by 2050), Green New Deal supporters are calling for Britain to go "zero carbon by 2030", alongside addressing the social and economic impacts of neoliberalism and inequitable de-industrialisation in many parts of the UK. Such plans could radically reduce poverty rates and low-paid, precarious work across the country. They could be designed to address the fact that poor people and people of colour are disproportionately negatively impacted by environmental pollution.
But it can't stop there. Nathan Thanki argues that a Green New Deal cannot be allowed to become "eco-socialism for [us] and barbarism for the rest of the world". Thanki argues for a larger transformation of the structure of our energy, housing, food, transport, and health systems, alongside de-growth. Yanis Varoufakis and David Adler propose an International Green New Deal1 that would fund a transition to renewable energy and commit to providing climate reparations and needs-based energy rather than means- or geography-based.
Global workers' rights
As Asad Rehman of War on Want wrote recently, at the heart of our economic system is a "belief that the UK and other rich countries are entitled to a greater share of the world's finite resources" through the global mineral supply chain. As Rehman articulates, we can thus expect that "mining giants and dirty energy companies will be waving the flag of climate emergency to justify the same deathly business model".2 A truly global Green New Deal must seek to support workers around the world, rather than narrowly focusing on UK workers. Co-operation – rather than imperialist intervention – will be required to de-carbonise the global economy.
So far, little attention has been paid to working conditions in the global renewables supply chain. This is partially due to nervousness around discrediting green 'solutions'.
If we are going to meet the scale of the challenge of keeping below 1.5°C, industries like solar, wind and battery storage will need to expand rapidly. For example, lithium-ion batteries for electric vehicles will require up to 43% of the world's cobalt production and 50% of its lithium production by 2020.3 Solar panels and magnets in wind turbines will require large quantities of other minerals and rare earths, such as neodymium, dysprosium and tellurium.
Countries with significant mineral reserves include China, Argentina, Chile, Australia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The majority of the world's cobalt reserves (58%) are found in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where mining is associated with ongoing conflict, child labour, human rights violations4, land grabs and environmental pollution. The supply chains of solar panels have a similar pattern of association with exploitation and oppression – land grabs from indigenous and other communities, toxic chemical poisoning of workers and communities, poverty wages, forced and child labour and union busting.5
The renewable supply chain challenge doesn't end with the extraction of raw materials for renewables. With China dominating the manufacturing of solar PV and lithium-ion batteries, what happens on the factory floors of Guangzhou should be as important as rebuilding industry in County Durham. Chinese workers are facing detention6 for organising their workplaces, as they continue to fight for the kind of conditions many take for granted in the UK. Large buyers, such as governments, can and should use their buying power to support workers on the ground.
Now is the time to examine ways in which the UK can be part of driving a renewables revolution for the many, not the few. Building in protections to enshrine supply chain justice is vital to stop the renewables industry, and indeed nationalised green energy production, from merely reproducing the global exploitation and destruction of fossil fuel companies like Shell and BP.
Supply chain justice in Labour's Green New Deal should be a key demand for members. While a Green New Deal for the UK can't solve these issues on its own, it can be allied to the workers and communities resisting green colonialism. An example of this in action could be public procurement contracts, which would require the protection of workers' and communities' human rights in their supply chains. Law changes to allow impacted communities in the Global South easy access to sue companies for damages in UK courts could also be effective.
The need for reparations
However, just addressing supply chain justice would still not be enough. Countries in the Global North – with high individual consumption habits – used up their fair share of carbon emissions decades ago.7 Since then, these rich countries have been delaying their responsibility to decarbonise and provide financing for mitigation, adaptation and loss and damage to Global South countries whose quotas they have eaten into.
Today, at 1°C warming, climate change is already devastating the lives of those who did the least to cause our current crisis. Cyclone Idai, which tore through Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe in March and was followed by Cyclone Kenneth, has likely displaced more than one million people. The city of Beira in Mozambique – larger than Atlanta in the U.S. or Manchester in the UK – was wiped out. The death toll from drowning, dehydration, hunger and cholera will be in the many thousands. Mozambique is the sixth-poorest country in the world. The average citizen of Mozambique is responsible for 55 times less carbon emissions than the average U.S. citizen.8
Every day, more than 1,300 individuals move from rural areas of Bangladesh to the capital, Dhaka. They are driven not just by events like cyclones, but also slow-onset climate impacts such as saltwater intrusion and reduced fish stocks. The cities of Karachi and Kolkata are becoming increasingly uninhabitable due to soaring temperatures, while drought in Somalia has left half of the country's population facing food and water shortages. The average metric tons per capita emissions of citizens in these countries (Bangladesh 0.5, Pakistan 0.9, India 1.7, Somalia 0.04) are tiny compared to the average emissions of a person in the U.S. (16.5), Canada (15.1), Australia (15.4), or the UK (6.5).
The Global South – already subjected to colonialism and exploitative trade relations – is now also experiencing the impacts of historic carbon emissions, while future generations in those countries will experience the consequences of ours emitted today. We need to thoughtfully, equitably and responsibly find ways to deal with the consequences of historic emissions, while preventing unmanageable climate chaos for future generations.
Industrialised countries – through their emission-heavy development – now have higher adaptive capacities to avoid the most severe impacts of climate change. Meanwhile, those in countries least responsible are the least prepared and resourced to respond to intensifying impacts.
In the immediate term, ending state aid for the fossil fuel industry could allow us to re-direct $5.3 trillion-worth of subsidies to address poverty and climate change. Achieving 100% renewable energy globally by 2050 is estimated to cost only about a third of the amount spent on fossil fuel subsidies.9 The remaining savings could fund adaptation and address loss and damage from climate change impacts. Progressive taxes such as a frequent flyer levy, a Climate Damages Tax on oil, gas and coal extraction, together with a Financial Transaction Tax (a small levy to raise revenue from the trading of financial instruments), could also mobilise billions ‒ and potentially trillions of dollars.10 Applying these funds in a way that centres those most impacted is crucial.
We must also address the root causes of the injustice multipliers that climate change sits upon: systemic exclusion due to poverty, gender, age, indigenous or minority status, disability, sexuality, sexual identity, lack of access to sexual reproductive health and rights, national or social origin, birth or other status. It is past time to address the multiple injustices and histories of slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism which have culminated to create our current crises.
The vast majority of the world's richest 10% high emitters still live in the wealthiest OECD countries, though this is slowly changing.11 100 oil, coal and gas companies have been collectively responsible for 71% of global emissions since 1988. The global consumer class cannot continue to build their lives on the backs of the global poor.
A Green New Deal must recognise the UK's global climate debt and fossil-fuelled colonial past. Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò has suggested that the same apply for the U.S. In his view, Green New Deals can either enhance the power of poor nations to determine their own destinies, or they can promote climate colonialism through bordered concepts of justice.12
At the very least, a Global Green New Deal creates a direct responsibility to both aggressively mitigate emissions through funding renewable energy and green jobs, but also to repair climate harms abroad and fund mitigation and adaption efforts in the Global South. To be consistent with justice principles, a Global Green New Deal will require a transformative transition away from poverty and climate harms and towards social, economic, political and cultural liberation.
Andrew Taylor is an organiser for climate and social justice. His work has supported communities fighting on the front lines against the fossil fuel industry, sweatshops, colonization and homelessness. Harpreet Kaur Paul is a PhD Candidate at the University of Warwick's Law School. Her research focuses on climate justice for loss and damage. She has previously worked at Global Policy Forum, Amnesty International, REDRESS and Electronics Watch.
Published in Chain Reaction #136, August 2019. National magazine of Friends of the Earth Australia. www.foe.org.au/chain_reaction